The film “Letter from Masanjia,” shows that the goods produced in China’s forced labor camps can end up in the West. It is the story of Sun Yi, a practitioner of the Falun Gong discipline. He dies in prison and wrote the text in the face of his approaching death at the hands of the Chinese Communist Party.
In his letter, Sun wrote, “If you find this letter, please pass it on to a human rights association, thousands of tortured people like me will be grateful.”
Thus, the text traces how the letter reached Julie’s hands in the West, within the flow of goods.
Such are the connection between forced labor camps and Western companies that forced labor in China came to light in another story about a Taiwanese citizen, Li Mingzhe who served time in a prison in China as a political prisoner.
He commented to an independent media, “People from Shanghai Celite Company will go to Chishan prison to check the quality of the gloves. If there are any problems, they will report it to the prison and, of course, the prison will punish the inmates.”
Li emphasized that this prison in Hunan province has large market share through Chinese subcontractors, Shanghai Celite Company, and Shanghai Sailit Enterprise, but that behind the whole international economic network, there are multinationals, including Maywatch, Amazon, Home Depot, and Milwaukee.
Li, a native of Taipei, was released from prison in April, had been punished by the Chinese regime after being found guilty of “subversion of state power.” and in prison, He said in an interview with RFA Mandarin on November 10, “I was forced to work as a slave.”
According to Li’s testimony, the Shanghai Celite Company sent people to the prison to verify the quality of the gloves and claimed, “If the quality of the product was not met, the guards would beat the inmates.”
Li Qiang, president of China Labor Watch, a U.S.-based NGO, commented on the relationship of the global supply chain and forced labor in China.
Li Qiang, “The outsourcing process in the middle is very hidden by exporters, and the Chinese government. … Exporters sometimes change their names deliberately to circumvent detection, or export through an intermediate trading company.”
For the president of China Labor Watch, the fundamental concept, is opaque global supply chains, because it is not clear how much forced labor is involved in supplying U.S. companies, nor is it possible to track forced labor in prisons, especially because of threats to inmates.
The precedent set in the United States by the Chinese NGO, Changsha Funeng, has made headlines in the world press. Its president, Cheng Yuan, a political prisoner in Hunan, and his wife, Shi Minglei, campaigned against the tool company, Milwaukee, to stop funding forced labor in Chinese prisons.
The engine of national-socialism
Currently China is being impacted by mega investments from the West and Southeast Asia every year, also from the axes of the swallow capital nesting in its market niches, to the quasi-bullying of international finance that patrols its entire communist ecosystem, the most spurious and immoral alliances with a regime of terror.
This is how it also worked in Europe after the World War l when the vision of the Dawes Plan was imposed on German financial institutions. The plan was an economic mechanism designed by Charles G. Dawes.
The Dawes Plan took shape after the London Conference in 1921, when the United States and England proposed to halve Germany’s war reparations payments, the total amount was a staggering 132 billion gold marks.
This debt restructuring allowed an influx of American and British investments and, above all, reached the figure of Hajalmar Schacht, the Reichsbank’s strongman, who was able to connect Anglo-American and German financial elites.
To this end, Montagu Norman, head of the Bank of England, took it upon himself to empower Schacht, who had long been supported in the same way by John Foster Dulles, a politician on the rise in Washington’s circles of power.
Thus, these Anglo-American institutions, the Bank of England, and the U.S. Financial Reserve System, promoted economic policies, industrial leaders, and financial banks in Germany between 1919 and 1924.
This summed up the “low-hanging fruit” principle for Europe, brilliantly described by U.S. Secretary of State Hughes when he said, “We must wait for Europe to ripen before accepting the U.S. proposal. Everything then depended on the Dawes Plan.”
That was the vision that prompted the Rockefeller Foundation to finance a large part of the National Socialist election campaign through the German firm, which was under the control of Standard Oil contributed 45% of the Nazi electoral capital in 1930.
Or the episode of the German communications trust. AEG, and the no less notorious Siemens, which responded with 30% of the electoral financing in 1933, under the tutelage of the JP Morgan bank and General Electric.
It is noteworthy that at that time Henry Ford controlled 100% of the shares of Volkswagen, the so-called “engine of National Socialism,” and also a large part of IG Farben, Thyssen, Flick and Wolff, the steel giants, heavily dependent on the Rockefeller bank.